This week the Indian prime minister makes a exultant trip to the UK after cosying up to everyone from Silicon Valley CEOs to Rupert Murdoch. Whats behind the uncritical cuddle of a humanity who has is president of a rising tide of assassinations and religion zealotry, and driven the countrys writers and masters into rebellion?

In 2005, when Narendra Modi was the chief minister of the wealthy Indian position of Gujarat, local police assassinated a criminal announced Sheikh Sohrabuddin in cold blood. At an electoral revival in 2007 for the decree Hindu nationalist BJP, Modi ascertained his citizens that Sohrabuddin got what he deserved. What should be done, he expected, to a humanity located owning illegal arms? The pumped-up gang screamed back: Mari nakho-mari nakho !( Kill him, kill him !)

The lynch mobs cry was be replicated in a village near Delhi last-place month as zealots beat to death a Muslim farmer they supposed erroneously of obstructing beef in his house. While Modi makes a exultant trip to the UK after more than a year as Indias prime minister, the Hindu supremacists are, as the novelist Mukul Kesavan wrote last-place month, in full hunting mode, head up and howling. In recent weeks, activists and intellectuals have been shot dead amid a nationwide campaign against Hindu-baiters that targets secular academics and westernised women as well as public figures with Muslim and Christian names, and western NGOs such as Greenpeace. The assassinations follow months of violence and daunting hyperbole by Hindu supremacists. A range of public figures, from Shah Rukh Khan, Bollywoods biggest virtuoso, to Indias respected central banker, Raghuram Rajan, have spoken out against the rising tide of sectarian hatred. More than 40 of Indias most eminent writers have returned their gives to the Sahitya Academy, the national literature establishment. Many others, including masters, intellectuals, filmmakers and scientists, have since connected the demonstrations, which reached boiling point after Hindu militants killed at the least four parties in connection with beef-eating.

Modi with David Cameron in Australia last year. Photograph: LUKAS COCH/ POOL/ EPA

Modi made beef into an incendiary concern during his run for Indias highest political place; he and his party colleagues reinfused it with anti-minorities venom during recent local elections in the state of Bihar. The chief minister of one of Indias richest territories declared last-place month that Muslims could only live in the country if they stopped devouring beef. The house magazine of the RSS, the parent outfit of Hindu patriots, cited ancient scriptures to vindicate the killing of sinners who slaughter kine. The culture minister Mahesh Sharma read of asserting columnists: If they say they are unable to write, tell them firstly stop writing. We will then determine. On Saturday, Modi intimated at his own attitudes on the subject by posing for depicts with organisers of a Delhi demonstration against asserting writers, where slogans such as: Punch the fraudulent literati with boots and, Presstitutes suck up to Europeans had echoed.

On the day of Modis election last-place May, I wrote in the Guardian that India was penetrating its most malevolent chapter since independence. Those who had checked Modis words and deeds , observed their compatibility, and is concerned that Hindu supremacism could extradite a mortal blow to Indias already enfeebled democratic institutions and pluralist habits had come to much the same judgment. Modi is a supporter member of the RSS, a paramilitary organisation explicitly pattern on European totalitarian defendants, whose members have been met regularly guilty of violence against Indian minorities. A persecution in Modi-ruled Gujarat in 2002 killed more than 1,000 Muslims and displaced tens of thousands.( It was what prompted the US and UK governments to impose a visa ban on Modi ). Whether or not Modi was personally complicit in the murder and mob crimes, they had clearly been planned in advance, as Human Rights Watch said in the first of countless reports on the savagery, and organised with the extended participation of the police and position government officials. Among the few people imprisoned was Maya Kodnani, Modis ministerial colleague, and a radical announced Babu Bajrangi, who crowed to a journalist that he had slashed open with his sword the womb of a heavily pregnant maiden, and claimed that Modi sheltered him after the riots and even changed three judges in order for him to be secreted on bail( Modi has not responded to these allegations ).

Though sentenced to dozens of years in prison, Kodnani and Bajrangi are regularly granted bail and allowed to stray free in Modis India. Indias foremost investigative figure, the CBI, had accused Modis consigliere, Amit Shah, who is now president of the BJP, of ordering summary executions of Sohrabuddin( among others ), but moved the circumstances of the case against him last year, quoting need of indicate. Meanwhile, Teesta Setalvad, a human rights activist and one of Modis most persistent reviewers, is saved from arrest only by the involvements of the supreme court.

Modi communicated early the impudence and tawdriness of power when in May 2014 he flew from Gujarat to the oath-taking ritual on a private corporate airplane decorated with the figure of his closest corporate friend. In January this year he turned out in a $ 15,000 Savile Row suit with personalised pinstripes to hug Barack Obama. Launching Digital India( a programme designed to connect thousands of villages to the internet) in Silicon Valley last-place month, the enthusiastic brand-new international musician apparently shoved Mark Zuckerburg aside to clear opening for a photo-op for himself( the video has proceeded viral ). One of his most devout cheerleaders in India now complains that the prime minister is like a brand-new bride remaking herself for her potent and wealthy in-laws.

Consequently, numerous in his own neglected lineage are diverting against him. On Sunday, his partys vicious and lavishly money campaign in elections in Bihar, one of Indias largest and poorest territories, ended in humiliating defeat. But Modis glossy makeover seems to have deceived numerous in the west; Rupert Murdoch tweeted after a recent gratify that Modi is Indias best leader with excellent plans since independence. Sheryl Sandberg declared she was changing her Facebook profile in honour of Modis visit to Silicon Valley in September. His libertarian multitudes did not seem to know or care that, just as Modi was arriving in California to promote Digital India, his factotums were shutting down the internet in Kashmir, or that earlier this year his government advocated a drastic principle that the Indian police exploited repeatedly to arrest parties posting rulings on Facebook and Twitter. Nor did the Bay spheres single-minded data-monetisers fuss about the facts of the case that Modi had propelled Digital India in India itself with a private party for his most obsessive troll-troopers people who are, as the magazine Caravan set it, a byword in online fright, hate and misogyny. In a dog-eat-dog nature primarily organized around lucrative deal-making, the only price think this is economic raise albeit, for a small minority.

Modis discussions about his countrys cruelly deferred and now imminent magnificence have jam-pack stadiums of all the countries with ecstatic Indians. At Wembley this weekend, some more grownup men and women singing Modi, Modi! will fluster themselves in record. The apparently unembarrassable Tory government discovered brand-new muscles while kowtowing to Xi Jinping, and will no doubt find them useful for some Indian style-prostration, sashtanga pranam , before Modi.

Modi was always an odd alternative to extend India into the 21 st century. Congregating him early in his busines, the recognise social psychologist Ashis Nandy assessed Modi as a classic, clinical occurrence of the authoritarian temperament, with its concoction of puritanical rigidity, narrowing of psychological living and fantasies of violence. Such a digit could describe refugee camps with tens of thousands of Muslim survivors of the 2002 persecution as child-breeding centres. Requested repeatedly about his guilt in the killings, Modi insisted that his only correct was bad media control. Pressed repeatedly over a decade about such extraordinary need of compunction, he ultimately said that he regretted the killings as he would a puppy being run over by a car.

With Facebook boss Mark Zuckerberg. Photograph: Bloomberg/ Bloomberg via Getty Images

More importantly, Modi was a symptom, easily identified through his numerous European and Asian precedes, of capitalisms periodic and unavoidable dysfunction: he was plainly the advantageous manipulator of mass disaffection with uneven and precarious raise, who distracts a fearful and atomised citizenry with the demonisation of minorities, scapegoating of ostensibly liberal, cosmopolitan and rootless parties, and promises of evolution, while facilitating friend capitalism. To aspiring but thwarted young Indians Modi presented himself as a social revolutionary, the son of a humble tea-seller defying entrenched dynasties, as well as an economic moderniser. He promised to overturn an old-fashioned social and political ordering that they find, properly, as dominated by a venal and uninterested ruling class. His self-packaging as a pious and virtuous humanity of the person or persons seemed especially persuasive as fraud scandals adulterated the media as well as political leaders and entrepreneurs in the years leading up to 2014.

Modis earliest boosters in his bid for supreme power, however, were Indias richest parties, enticed by special preferences of cheap property and charge concessions. Ratan Tata, the sword and car-making industrialist, was one of the first large-scale barons to hug him in the aftermath of the anti-Muslim persecution. Mukesh Ambani, another business tycoon and owner of a 27 -storey home in the city of slums, Mumbai, soon heralded his splendid image. His friend declared Modi king among lords. Even the Economist, reporting on Modi-mania among private-equity natures, blue-chip executives and the an officer of Indias big conglomerates was startled by the creepy sycophancy. It shouldnt ought to have: in Modis India the Ambanis are fast move forward towards a Berlusconi-style domination of both word and entertainment content and give mechanisms.

Media management has ceased to be a problem for Modi; the television channels and press owned by loyal boosters hectically construct him up as Indias saviour. Modi likewise lured professors, writers and correspondents who had failed to flourish in the old-fashioned regime the disillusioned pedantocrats and wannabes who traditionally serve in the scholastic rearguard of illiberal changes. Predictably, these the number of victims of ressentiment who languished, as Nietzsche wrote, in a whole tremulous realm of subterranean retribution are now taken away from Indian institutions, and crowding the airwaves with their rabid mendaciousness and rage.

Many non-resident Indians, repudiated full dignity in the white mans nature, likewise hitched their low self-esteem to Modis hot-air bags about the developing Indian Century. The Modi Toadies, as they are widely referred to on social media, have turned out to be an intriguingly diverse slew: they array from small-town zealots campaigning against romantic love between Muslim and Hindus to a publicist announced Swapan Dasgupta, a former Trotskyite and self-proclaimed anglophile. But it should not be forgotten that a variety of global society networks went to work strenuously on Modis behalf: the slick public-relations house APCO that works with Central Asian tyrants and suave technocrats as much as the rented armies of cyberthugs rampaging through social media and the comment slice of online articles.

Protestors after the murder of a Muslim who was beaten to death for supposedly devouring beef. Photograph: Rupak de Chowdhuri/ Reuters/ Corbis

A former special adviser to Tony Blair authored a hagiography for English-speaking readers. The Labour peer Meghnad Desai helped alchemise Modis record of assisting big corporations into an electorally potent superstition of efficiency and rapid evolution. Jagdish Bhagwati and Arvind Panagariya two Ivy League Indian economists charged with poverty-denialism by the recent Nobel laureate Angus Deaton said in a letter to the Economist that the anti-Muslim persecution in Modis Gujarat was actually a rampage. As Modi appeared likely to become prime minister, the scholastic grunts at American thinktanks churned out op-eds heralding Modi as the man to accelerate Indias neoliberalisation, and reorient its foreign policy towards America and Israel. Numerous foreign correspondents and India hands lost their scholastic confidence and judgement before such diligently constructed consensus.

Thus, Modi rose frictionlessly and rapidly from infamy to respectability in a nature where fund, power and status are the measure of everything, and where human being, as Balzac harshly wrote, are reduced to being either fools or knaves. He may be very far from fulfilling his electoral hope of creating adequate professions for the one million Indians who penetrate the workforce every month. He still copes mostly in imagination, gushing about smart metropolitans and bullet trains, and a digital India in which fibre-optic cables will bring remote hamlets online. But among global societies who determine India as a fast-growing economy and counterweight to China, poverty-denialism shadows easily into pogrom-denialism. A tweet by a New-York-based venture capitalist responding to protests by Indian writers summing-up up the triumph righteousnes: The icons of brand-new India are the wealth architects. None contributes a rats ass anymore about the writers.

Modis ascent through various categories of enablers, whitewashers and wealth-creators invites us to probe our own complicity as fools and knaves in increasingly everyday forms of violence and dispossession. For Modis ruthless economism is a banality phenomenon, distinguished everywhere by desire, sophistry and a disdain for human life and dignity indications, as GN Devy, one of Indias most bracing intellectuals, set it last-place month, of a worldwide transition into a post-human existence.

In India itself, the prostration before Mammon, bellicose patriotism, indelicate anti-intellectualism, and fright and hate of the weak predates Modi. It did not seem so impudent previously because the now supplanted Indian society disguised their hegemony with what Edmund Burke announced pleasing misconceptions: in such a case, reverential invocations of Gandhi and Nehru, and of the princely theme of India. Thus, the Congress party, which firstly summon the malign specters of Hindu supremacism in the 1980 s and presided over the murder of more than 3,000 Sikhs in 1984, could claim to represent secularism. And liberal academics patronised by the regime could remain silent when Indian private security force in Kashmir filled up mass graves with objectors to the idea of India, gang-raped with impunity, and stuck live wire into the penis of suspected partisans. The rare protestor among Indian writers was derided for digressing from literature into political activism. TV fixes and correspondents rivalled with each other in beating up patriotic violence and hatred against numerous internal and external foes of the idea of India. The secular patriots of the ancient regime will try to disown their own legitimate infants when they recoil fastidiously from the Hindu supremacists foaming at the mouth.

One can only hope that the barefaced viciousness of Hindu supremacists will jolt the old-fashioned societies out of their shattered belief and pieties while politicising a cheated young generation. It is true that Modi and his Toady embody without dishonor, ambivalence or euphemism the inhumanity of power; they dont devote a rats ass about pleasing misconceptions. Yet their assaults on the authorised theme of India are creating a cranny in the unfeeling monolith through which a humane politics and cultural activities might flow. The alternative, as recent weeks evidence, is a post-human India, where lynch mobs roused by their enormous president outcry: Kill him! Kill him!

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